#13

#13

The domination of science according to the contemporary paradigm that necessitates the objective worldview - »weltanschauung« - makes political economy the force-dominant behind the establishment. The colonization of social life by the machinations of power leads to a higher visibility of the commodity within the open market; its global production depends upon mass consumption, which can only be sustained by labour and its division into its associated areas of manufacture, thereby suppressing any volition towards revolution.

There is an essential element of Kapital that remains largely unknowable. Similarly, like the ephemeral nature of power, when Kapital's power becomes greater its sophisticated and ramified qualities retreat from the knower. Kapital is the grand artificer. “Representation recedes directly.”¹ Representation recedes directly into the plenipotentiary, where Kapital assumes full power to act independently; we serve this master apparently through our direct relationship to money, the sum of all its parts, the commodity, the actuality of Kapitalismo-sozjietie.

The manner in which Kapital remains opaquely covert is by its exertion over the economy and its dominion over the commodity to reduce its visibility; the commodity and the economy mask Kapital's true identity. Kapital makes these particular aspects familiar to us, as if they were its conduit, whilst as an entity, by itself and at large standing alone, its complete form can remain relatively unknown. When understood as an independent entity we notice that Kapital moves through all areas of social life. If Kapital's base is material then its role is economical.

“{C}ommodities, money, capital and the state are fetishes,” writes Daniel Bensaïd.² They are illusions that are fabricated and are only necessary because they depend on social relations; abolishing these social relations would abolish these illusions. “{C}apital exists because we create it,” argues John Holloway³, but will it cease to exist if we do not create it tomorrow? “Abolishing the conditions of fetishism in reality means overthrowing the despotism of the market and the power of private property and breaking the state that ensures the conditions of social reproduction.”⁴

If labour is the social relation that produces the commodity then it is labour itself that would have to be abolished to remove the social relations that manufacture the fetishistic illusions. We return to Victor Riesel, writing to us from 1972, who calculates that “American labor now can influence directly and indirectly ... almost $40 billion.”⁵ Citizen Riesel writes to us from a time when American banks were going through the process of being unionized after unions had been kept out of the banking field for so long.

Citizen Riesel tells us that unions begin moving union money into union banks. Sozjietie has the ability to bargain with Kapital – where Kapital is a singular entity, sozjietie is a nebulous and populous body. Sozjietie wants money. Sozjietie knows that Kapital has the exchangeability. If sozjietie has the employability, Kapital sees the opportunity. Profitability. Labour unions give profitability some measure of security.

Citizen Riesel's report is documenting a historical precedent. Social relations are strengthened by the unions. The more labour becomes social, the more it is in the service of Kapital. It would be more insecure without unionization. The two of them can work together to lower inflation. It all depends on the negotiation and type of transaction.

Citizen Riesel describes this transaction as “a flow of multi-colored checks, totalling billions of dollars, pour in futuristic cinematic fashions from union treasuries into the unionized banks.”⁶ Citizen Riesel credits Howard Coughlin, then-president of the Office and Professional Employees International Union, with 'cracking the dike' by fully unionizing the National Bank of Washington. “On Aug. 11,” writes Citizen Riesel, the Union Label Department of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, “mailed a $10,000 check to True Davis, National Bank of Washington president. The check was for a certificate of deposit for two years.”⁷ Union label attracted union dollar. “The implications are obvious,” writes Citizen Riesel. “The unions ... can influence the deposits of billions of dollars.”⁸ Here we see a sharp inversion of the orthodoxy of monetary influence. In a quick turnaround, or role reversal, the unionists have become the capitalists and the social interests lie with the one who invests.

1#1.

2Bensaïd, D. (2005) “On a Recent Book by John Holloway.” Historical Materialism, Vol. 13, No. 4; p.188.

3Ibid.

4Ibid., p.189.

5Riesel, V. (1972) “Labor Backing Unionized Bank.” Ludington Daily News, Sep. 11.

6Ibid.

7Ibid.

8Ibid.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#12

#12

The present stage of this world relies on the perception of its population; its very transformation relies on perception. The method of the police-state is to fix the general perception so as to avoid revolution, or, let's say, subversion. As Kapitalismo-sozjietie advances economically, the world and its transformation is subject to the perception guided by ideology; it is the ideology of Kapital's materialization contemporaneously. The development of global Kapital relies upon the mediation of the spectacle – its role is essential – but the role it plays is nevertheless regional; Kapital attempts to penetrate even the most underdeveloped areas to capture the resource of its people. The purpose of the spectacle is to portray the reality of Kapitalismo-sozjietie, to obliterate completely any pronouncement that does not satisfy it ideologically – it appears that its totalitarian existence relies on nothing other than the formation of its own crude abstraction.

Complexity of plurality becomes in itself the site of opposition to the power base of Kapital and its abundant, sophisticated construct.¹ “It is apparent that authority is not simply one entity, and that there are many perceptions of the boundary.”² The operations of Kapitalismo-sozjietie and their associated power structures can either punish or privilege non-conformity, or conformity respectively, to form the perceptions of Kapitalismo-sozjietie objectively. Sozjietie and Kapitalismo are exclusive respectively; it is the relationship of power, between the structure of what makes the two bipolar that ties the one to the other.

Max Lerner writes to us from 1977 to illustrate how people's perception of power manifested themselves in the personality of their leader and that leader's association to a structure of power. Citizen Lerner tells us the story of how Menahem Begin came to power, taking his place as Israel's sixth prime minister. Citizen Lerner describes Begin as “an Israeli nationalist – scornful of socialism, determined to drive a hard bargain in peace negotiations.”³

Citizen Lerner suggests that Arab militancy brought Begin to power to form a stronger Israeli national identity. Wherever 'sozjietie' increases disproportionately, in this case Arab militancy, Kapital responds accordingly. “Is it surprising,” writes Citizen Lerner, “that a third of the Israeli voters should cast their ballots for a strong identity for Israel?”⁴ This signifies that the reinforcement of power, redressing its own balance, comes through the personification of Kapital in the subjecthood of Menahem Begin. The subjecthood of Kapital, which stands above the sign as the personification, comes about when there is a greater opposition to liberal values. Inflation is proportionate to consumption, to which if there is opposition, a decline in plurality occurs and the totalitarian impulse of the spectacle recurs. Reading through Citizen Lerner's broadsheet it is evident that support for a Palestinian state would be solely a socialist objective, but this could only begin to come about when inflation is at its lowest and wages are at their heighest, so long as there is a majority of plurality within the Knesset.

Citizen Lerner implies that the strong figure, Begin's strength of character, assuages Israel's sense of insecurity. Citizen Lerner also associates the effect of this sense of insecurity to the “number of working-class Sephardic emigrants from southern and eastern countries,”⁵ most likely unwilling to compromise their reason for a strong sense of identification with the state of Israel.

When Citizen Lerner cites President Carter, of the United States of America, as referring to the authority of Israel as having “defendable boundaries” are we to assume that its authority is not wholly one entity but one based entirely on plurality? All this, of course, came at a time when President Carter had assured President Assad of Syria of a “homeland” - a diplomatically innocuous statement to say the least, since it doesn't really promise anything concrete but it did affect public perceptions of America's “special relationship” with Israel. Citizen Lerner sums this all up perfectly when he says: “{t}here is such a thing as being so 'open' in one's diplomacy that it gets battered by every new current of opinion” - President Carter's comments coming just days before the Israeli election - “and becomes a cave of the winds.”⁶

Citizen Lerner describes Israeli national unity as comprising the heighest level of plurality and an even distribution of party diversity. Citizen Lerner does suggest however that the territorial views of Begin would be compromised by a cabinet made up of equal parts. According to Citizen Lerner, the personification of Kapital is seen “as a special guardian of the territorial integrity of Israel.”⁷ The imperative of Kapital is wholly territorial: returning to the rubric of resource capture.

1Lambley, D. (1992) “In Search of a Radical Discourse for Theatre.” New Theatre Quarterly, Vol. 8, No. 29; p.36.

2Ibid., p.40.

3Lerner, M. (1977) “Believes Begin Will Prove Responsible.” Sarasota Journal, May 27.

4Ibid.

5Ibid.

6Ibid.

7Ibid.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#11

#11

Both from within each nation and also internationally, fundamental unity reflects the actuality of Kapitalismo-sozjietie. The task of the spectacle is the division of what is global, or total. Its role is to allot these divisions as specializations between the extremities of Kapital whose overall function is the control of communication by means of supervision – a sort of digital panopticon – rendering the social totality to be a specialized totalitarian unity.

Production processes in urban conditions bring together the proletarian class within an atomized population. Control of an atomized population is maintained via a method of sprawling isolation and separation of mass communication to create a one way system of overall supervision. Consumption and production is planned based on the needs of the proletarian class – the sprawling digital morass – and their reintegration into the controlled system of supervision.

A neopeasantry, digitally, artificial in its virtual reality, has been created by this planned environment of consumption and production – the snake eating its own tail – this environment of control created by the conditions of spectacular habitation. A centralized bureaucratic tendency arises from the fragmentation inherent in the foundations of this peasantry of virtual reality. Historical time represses the expression of this peasantry, who, in their totality, technologically, find their habitation in the landscape of the new city.

The overall activity of interconnectivity reveals the tendency of the social totality to move towards a fragmented dynamic hegemony; information communications technology such as Google and Facebook are instrumental in overseeing the social unity of Kapitalismo-sozjietie. We witness a dispersion of activity due to a widespread use of information communications technology.

The planned environment of consumption and production forms part of the comprehensive ideal of the urban space's constitution. The urban space's fragmentation reflects the market's segmentation. “{T}oday the regulation of access to the Internet is increasingly governed by the workings of market forces and is de facto reserved for certain social groups{.}”¹

The urban space becomes splintered by information communications technology whereas social groups tend to coalesce because of it; markets form and arise from the cultures of social groups. Social groups are no longer fixed by urban spaces but remain connected whilst on-the-move, synchronized by their mobile digital devices. The development of urban spaces takes on an unintentional, market-driven logic, moving its sphere of control to private authorities – the memetic content of information communications technologies – from public authorities which no longer control or develop the character of the franchized urban area in the same way that they once might have done.²

Whether integration or segregation contribute to the social formation, the movement of social change now relies on the technological development of spatial organization and the phenomenon of urban fragmentation which fractures the spaces of the city and its overall composition.³

Citizen Anonymous writes to us from 1976 to foretell how the power that governs us seeks “jurisdiction over all forms of communication,” - in that case in particular the Quebec government's control of Bell Canada – and “a say in the policies of national networks.”⁴ Moves like these are not necessarily constitutional and there is a distinction between unity and uniformity.

Citizen Anonymous quotes Quebec's then-communications minister, Denis Hardy, as saying, “{t}he centralization of decision-making powers in the name of national unity constitutes without a doubt a very important factor of dissension and fragmentation.”⁵ So, with network technologies being the way that they are, unique and individual voices may arise but because of the nexus of centralization, the panopticon's dominion, they are kept in check, whether through monitoring or sedation by overexposure to information. The overexposure: simulation and simulacra - “information is directly destructive of meaning ... The loss of meaning is directly linked to the dissolving, dissuasive action of information{.}”⁶

Returning to The Phoenix newspaper, Hardy appears diplomatic in defence of the government when he says: “Quebec can only develop culturally by taking charge of communications within its territories.”⁷ So, from the vantage point of 1976 we can see the agencies of control spreading out over network technology to form its own hegemony. Whilst network technology gives social groups cohesive mobility it simultaneously allows the urban space to retain its cultural topography which makes for greater control. Google and Facebook – both products of the evolution of telecommunications – can be viewed as having, or at least sharing, federal jurisdiction. Bringing populations under federal jurisdiction brings together unity and the economic, socio-cultural reality.

1Fernandez, V. & Puel, G. (2012) “Socio-technical Systems, Public Space and Urban Fragmentation.” Urban Studies, Vol. 49, No. 6; p.1298.

2Ibid.

3Ibid.

4Citizen Anonymous² (1976) “Quebec Reveals Wants in Communications.” The Phoenix, Mar. 26.

5Ibid.

6Baudrillard, J. (1994) Simulacra & Simulation. Trans. Sheila Faria Glaser. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press; p.79.

7Citizen Anonymous², Op. Cit.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#10

#10

As crises gain momentum, from within contemporary capitalism, they can only prolong for a certain duration before they are modified by the system. Kapital advances from its programme of abundance towards the adoption of an economy that is a mixture of profit and loss. Kapital rolls over itself backwards to increase abundance. It can do this by harnessing the power of the state, a sort of «levée en masse», and Kapital reinforces its power through its techniques of resource capture. Imported wealth increases the size of the bureaucracy of Kapitalismo-sozjietie. The bureaucracy shares an association, primarily, with the spectacle of mediation and its concentration.

Bureaucrats comprise community, through their membership, the community which is married implicitly to the economy in its entirety. The state has direct ownership over the bureaucrat, viz-a-vie, the proletariat, anyone who uses QWERTY, basically; AZERTY, «autre économie». The individual concentration of self, within the economy, is juxtaposed to the mass concentration of property made up by the bureaucracy.

The form this concentrated mass takes is like the nucleus of Kapitalismo-sozjietie; the administrative and authoritative centric system controlling the organization which cannot develop without continuous production. The commodity and its assured survival depends on the wholesale input of data – the commodity's sale as labour.

Processes of production that have a scientific application significantly upgrade the skills of the workforce. The population's general proficiency has been upgraded by scientific sophistication which advances processes of production. However, “{p}erhaps, in our job specifications, each of us has learned more and more about less and less until we each know everything there is to know about virtually nothing.”¹

The utility, returning to the idea of the bureaucracy, the utilization of its organization, represses the social totality appropriate to its control by the nucleus of the bureaucracy, or by the very participation in the processes of data production that run along its continuum. The welfare state serves as an experiment in human liberation.² The welfare state “gives some solace from the worst effects of capitalist immiseration” whilst at the same time “does so only through coercive integration into rational-bureaucratic apparatuses.”³ Would higher wages for bureaucrats “{mark} the rise of a new social formation{?}”⁴

No other available practice, let alone conception, of a socio-economic system proves possible or viable other than the system governed by Kapital. Its social totality has a systematic nature of radical otherness, 'discrimination', radical difference, 'diversity', and representational mediation, 'democracy'.⁵

Ray Cromley writes from 1974 concerning bureaucracy to portray conditions surrounding the time period when the Watergate scandal was being absorbed and rationalized by the spectacle. Citizen Cromley describes the deterioration of bureaucracy, attributing decline to: “cronyism, heavy turnover, high loss of middle management and early retirements.”⁶ What does this tell us about our governments and their predicaments?

Citizen Cromley explains that: “Washington's bureacracy has been on this downhill road for years.”⁷ The agencies and departments that were responsible for the economy were those that exhibited these breakdowns. Citizen Cromley tells us that indexes that took stock of prices, shipments, and industrial production appeared to contain serious mistakes. Citizen Cromley parallels the conditions of the contemporary crisis to the conditions of the epoch from which he writes. “{A}n economic growth rate as low as today's must cause a marked month-by-month growth in the number of unemployed.”⁸ Citizen Cromley attributes this to the pace of the economy's expansion when, if slow, cannot absorb new workers in order for it to steadily grow. So, how does the bureaucracy rationalize unemployment when it recognizes that it must increase its numbers in order for the economy to grow? There must be growth in the public sector to expand economic growth. “The signs of a general decline are present in full array,”⁹ writes Citizen Cromley – so how does Kapital modify its conditions to cope with the crises of today? According to Citizen Cromley, who writes from a time when crises were similarly apparent as to today, the answer lies in making sure that the bureaucracy attracts as many young men and women as possible, that the numbers of middle management within government should remain relatively proportionate to those without, and that experienced top personnel should avoid early retirement. A richer workforce means a richer economy.

Citizen Cromley advises us that the government needs to: “draw in and hold the numbers of first-rate economists needed for data management, planning, and forecasting”¹⁰ - to create the rational-bureaucratic structures for Kapital to oversee its own transformation. If, as Citizen Cromley observes, “{k}ey economic posts are vacant or stand idle for months during searches for candidates of the proper caliber {then} these slots are ... gilled with time servers,”¹¹ which means higher turnovers and, as a result, greater expenses. “Private industry seems to hold far more appeal for the able young man and woman just out of college,”¹² and what serves as private means works for private ends. Employment, wages, scarcity and inflation: each of these is affected by the government's action or inaction. Cutbacks, employment, corporate expansion, consumer discretion – even the behaviour of the stock market – are all part of the same repercussion.

The economy depends on the continuous input of data which forms part of the machinations of a large computer that animates Kapital and its executive nature versus its bureaucratic-organic structure; to make it less cellular is to make it less popular. And what happens when a population goes elsewhere?

1Dugger, W. M. (1984) “Human Liberation: Workplace Reform as the Next Step in Social Evolution” International Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 11, No. 5; p.35.

2Ibid., p.31.

3Day, R. J. F. (2005) Gramsci Is Dead: Anarchist Currents in the Newest Social Movements. London: Pluto Press; p.148.

4Dugger, W. M. (1984) Op. Cit.

5Jameson, F. (2005) Archaeologies of the Future. London: Verso; p.xii.

6Cromley, R. (1974) “Best and Brightest Avoid Posts.” Waycross Journal-Herald, Jul. 25.

7Ibid.

8Ibid.

9Ibid.

10Ibid.

11Ibid.

12Ibid.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#9

#9

The subtlety of Kapital's ontology and the epistemology of the commodity: K ≈ C. C ≈ K.

The commodity is subject to the exchange of its own complexity. The actuality of its realization is the product, made obvious via the branding process – not at all trivial to the consumer glance. The process of commodification is Kapital enunciating the knowledge of the specificity of its own production. There is tension, a type of enmity, within competition, to lower wages and raise inflation. It is only through recognition of value that Kapital becomes able to transform its resources into the fixed material article. The commodity {C} as abstract entity is like a flux-capacitor – the capacity of flow – which enables the value of one product to be exchanged for another. If we consider Kapital {K} as a living being then the commodity {C} is its direct inversion, if the critic is detected then shut up and listen, its direct inversion, the exponential, epistemological subject of its person. The inversion is the reciprocity of its conversation. The form of the commodity {becomes} congealed when its possession is actively human; exchange has taken place and its direct object becomes its direct consumption. The brand is acknowledged by the living human. The brand adopts this living agency and returns it to the aspect of the commodity that is in flux. The incorporation of multiplicitous signs keeps the commodity in flux. This is the principle of trade, a principle that {becomes} the overall practice of Kapital, which leads us to a basic understanding of how the commodity is mediated via the spectacle.

The drawback, or flaw, of «laissez-faire» capitalism, individualism, per se, as a principle, let's say, is that even though governments cannot restrict what is commercial, the individual is controlled by Kapital.

The function of the commodity is that it plays a central role in the order of the economic regulation of Kapitalismo-sozjietie. The commodification of the worker is {its} identity as labourer. This gives us a treatment of Kapital, a sort of synopsis, of its humanity, its ability to at once identify with the human yet at the same time make the human the focus of its production. Kapital desires what is human yet Kapitalismo-sozjietie refuses to apologize in the face of its condemnation. Kapitalismo-sozjietie, merely, offers to that very face its concatenateous explanation. The desire of the human for Kapital's production is its ultimate consummation and affirmation.¹

Kapital, as ontological, seeks to rationalize its suffering through spectacle, and anything else it seeks to examine that makes Kapital ontological, like the editorial of the Lewiston Evening Journal for example.

Citizen Lewsiton – the reader and the editor – writes to us from 1970 to bring to our attention the plight of the migrant worker. This coincided with the enquiry of the spectacle through other media. The Associated Press and the National Broadcasting Company of America both came together to investigate the well-being of the itinerant worker in Texas and Florida. Citizen Lewiston cites a doctor's report submitted to a Senate subcommittee which stated that “'thousands of our fellow citizens are manipulated and managed in such a way as to reduce them to sub-human status.'”² Citizen Lewiston goes on to say that, “{o}ne of the doctors investigating a migrant camp area in Florida termed it 'the closest equivalent to slave quarters that could exist in a free society.'”³ Citizen Lewiston compares this status to that of the pre-Civil War slaves and feels the need to point out that conditions for workers on the best plantations of the Old South meant better treatment and better care. Is there a greater conscience for Kapital as Kapital becomes more-and-more ontological? - as the spectacle becomes increasingly more conversational, as the memory it has gained moves into the realm of the digital and the virtual becomes more actual?

Citzen Lewiston predicted, from our 1970's epoch, that the “shackles of a modern form of slavery”⁴ would take generations to throw off. The standard of living for migrant workers were dependent upon wages. Citizen Lewiston contextualizes this by saying that even if the father, mother itinerant labourer, as well as their school age son or daughter, were all to work they would “still fail to earn a sufficient amount of money to support a family adequately.”⁵ Despite Governor Claude Kirk of Florida refusing to talk to NBC, Kapital indicts the individual to hold the individual responsible and therefore make itself more accountable. As an egregore, that has become a legal individual, Coca-Cola is able to resist and leverage Kapital. This is why the corporation, as well as the individual, must be held accountable. It was “significant that one of the NBC interviewers was ordered out of Coca-Cola's migrant worker compound,” writes Citzen Lewiston.⁶

1O'Brien, J. C. (1981) “Karl Marx, the Social Theorist.” International Journal of Social Economics, Vol. 8, No. 6; p.4.

2Editorial (1970) “America's Shame.” Lewiston Evening Journal, Jul. 17.

3Ibid.

4Ibid.

5Ibid.

6Ibid.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#8

#8

The objective worldview materializes actuality yet mass-media technology produces manipulation readily. Manipulation relies on power sustaining its coercion over the masses, through the direct application of force, which is why Kapitalismo-sozjietie requires an elite. Corporate America is Kapitalismo-sozjietie's contemporary power structure.¹ The result of this is that “worldviews ... become embedded in the culture of institutions ... bowdlerized through media commentary.”² So, Kapitalismo-sozjietie is adept at omitting its own dissent by its own extended commentary of its structures of power, reinscribing its domination upon those exposed to the discourses put through the channels of the mass-media.

Doug White writes to us from 1973 to explain that “{p}eople have certain, necessary limited experiences” and “contact directly and personally with a wider experience,” or, “indirectly by contact with others through {the media}. ... {T}he making of sense and order of this experience” is developed through explanations and generalizations “about the experience, producing a worldview that transcends the possibilities inherent in a narrow and circumscribed environment.”³

Citizen White implies that “{t}he generalizations are imposed rather than developed out of experience and new experiences are ... manipulated” so that only prescribed notions of Kapitalismo-sozjietie are allowed to form. Citizen White recommends that:

“{t}o change this, the notions of the relationship of {Kapitalismo-sozjietie} to experience have to be rethought and re-enacted, a more {egalitarian} atmosphere created and the ways of developing autonomy and independence investigated.”⁴

Citizen White helps us to deconstruct the method of control: so long as “the total social system {remains} mysterious ... the divisions of {Kapitalismo-sozjietie} remain ... accepted.” He says, “{w}e participate, communicate and commune; others in the outside world manage, exploit and manipulate.”⁵

Kapitalismo-sozjietie could “on the other hand, be united within itself, and with some other groups around it, in opposition to the local social structure.”

At least, for the most part, Kapitalismo-sozjietie attempts to give everyone the equal right to the opportunity for satisfaction. Yet, Citizen White considers even this a subtle form of manipulation.

Citizen White writes:

“Satisfaction is like soma, the painless drug-control of Brave New World. While the structure of the social system remains unchanged, groups within it finding satisfaction will remain within the walls made for them.”⁶

Through the use of the mass-media we can see that Kapitalismo-sozjietie sedates any class antagonisms by creating an environment of control.

1Freedman, L. (Oct., 2006) “Confessions of a premature constructivist.” Review of International Studies, Vol. 32, No. 4; p.692.

2Ibid., p.702.

3White, D. (1973) “On making the community school stand up.” The Age, Apr. 16.

4Ibid.

5Ibid.

6Ibid.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#7

#7

As history pursues its course of conflict, Kapitalismo-sozjietie reinforces its class structure ideologically. The effect of distortion upon the monocular and singular reality produces a fragmentation of reality, Walled City¹, a representation of its own ideology.

The spectacle of mediation advances the intensification of the fundamental interconnection between the monocular-singular mediation of reality on the one hand and the fragmented mediation of reality on the other. The image of Kapitalismo-sozjietie is constantly reshaping the ideology of Kapitalismo-sozjietie through the {representations} of its own 'social' identity, virtually, an economy that produces a proliferation of virtual reality, Walled City, a proliferation via a system of autonomization, a concrete ideology of duality.

Walled City can be viewed as “a kind of subversive antinetwork.”² Walled City “exists outside the influence of law and corporate capital.”³ The domain of the virtual is a veil, a secret point of origin for the legends and myths, developed to a point of heritage, a veil for nodal end-user hackers who are “the denizens of Walled City ... very proud of their {transgressions}.”⁴

Hacktivists, White Hats and Elite hackers, all of them cybernetic and sociocratic, make up fragmentation of the real that opposes the monocular-singular reality of Kapitalismo-sozjietie's authority, a check and a balance upon its ultimate supremacy, by operating as “{i}ntelligence agencies and cyberwarfare operatives” of their own totality.⁵ The centralization of networked technology is the root point, the checkpoint, or gate, through which the sign of the commodity, the Logos of Kapitalismo-sozjietie, travels, is reconfigured, manipulated and redistributed to its destination points of multiplicitous localities; whole at the centre, monocular and singular, whilst also pixelated by the plethora of each nodal end-user. The 'pixelation' of Kapitalismo-sozjietie's own overall image is its own operation of subversion, the digital cognition of its own imagination, understanding its direct object, in flux, through direct communication with its multiplicitous subject.

Kapitalismo-sozjietie's order is able to remain monocular and singular through its radical flux of signs, these pixels making up its motion picture; it gives it a narrative that can at once be conceptual as either statist or political or simultaneously an affront to both of these. Kapitalismo-sozjietie is its own critique, it is its own dialectic. Its continued existence is not threatened by any community of hacker elites, rather, it interprets their codes and messages, without enmity, to relay a collection of signals, to form an overall signal, a signal that is tactical, to learn the function of the part of it, its nervous system, that is digital.

Citizen Smith found out that towards the end of the 1970s, Kapital was seeking to employ computer operators to learn its new procedures.

1Gibson, W. (1997) Idoru. New York: Berkley Books.

2Op. Cit., p.122.

3Op. Cit.

4Op. Cit.

5Chabrow, E. (2012) “7 Levels of Hackers: Applying An Ancient Chinese Lesson.” GovInfo Security. Retrieved Feb. 27.

©Elijah Nathaniel James

#6

#6

Kapitalismo-sozjietie's omnipresent falsifications serve as the basis for unrealistic authoritarian planning, its industrial production proves superior to its bureaucracy, but its “bureaucracy cannot resolve the question of agriculture...”¹ The beginning of labour is marked by the end of a contentless freedom, the end of idlety, when agriculture becomes sedentary, confined within a locality by the industry of Kapitalismo-sozjietie, confined to “the repetition of {the sequence of activity}.”² Cyclical time, based on the rhythm of the seasons, governs the agrarians and their productions. “Eternity is within this time, it is the return of the same here on earth.”³ Without cyclical time, we are subjected to the movement of capital rather than the migration of people. The latter economy is more sustainable.

Bryan Silcock writes to us from 1975 to describe agrarian revolution, a “so-called green revolution ... that {can} produce enormous yields in response to massive applications of nitrogenous fertilizers.”⁴ Citizen Silcock goes on to explain that the fertilizers are “beyond the means of many peasant farmers in developing countries.”⁵ Citizen Silcock is looking for a “transformation in agriculture comparable in importance to {a} 'green revolution'{.}” Agrarian, proletarian, revolution. What Kapitalismo-sozjietie provides is a possibility.

°How does Kapitalismo-sozjietie feed me?° wonders Citizen Smith.

Citizen Silcock provides the answer: through the acquisition of the scientific knowledge that grass bacteria are able to alter their atmospheric conditions for growth rather than relying entirely on the soil. So, the lesson is simple – maybe the message prophetic – that when the system has appeared to have exhausted all its natural resources, it begins to adapt by colonizing outer space and create the conditions there to thrive. “There would be no such obstacle,” writes Citizen Silcock, “to the introduction of cereals able to 'fix atmospheric nitrogen.'” So, we see that Kapitalismo-sozjietie also has the ability to modify its own atmosphere to produce better growth conditions.

Citizen Silcock explains that “{l}egumes fix nitrogen with the help of bacteria of the Rhizobum genus, which form conspicuous nodules on the roots.”⁶ Alongside this thinking “Deleuze and Guattari offer a decentered and multiplicitous thinking which they call rhizomatic. The rhizome,” according to Postmodern Anarchist commentator Lewis Call, “is a nonhierarchical, centerless mode of organization.”⁷ Nothing in this pandimensional multiverse is unrelated to the centre, or hierarchy for that matter. The 'radicle' - part of a plant embryo that develops into the primary root – is related to the 'folicle' in that the structure of the flora and the fauna can replicate the rhizomatic foundations found below it, surviving in different conditions. Both the rhizomatic foundations and the flora and fauna configurations stem from the single radicle's extensions. The rhizomatic foundations rely on the radicle's attraction to light. The flora and fauna depend on the rhizomatic networks' capture of soil nutrients. This is our allegory for the relationship between the proletarian class and the bourgeoisie, that they are organically linked by the radicle, the root, of the tree schema, as once proposed by the eighteenth century statesman, Edmund Burke, whom Karl Marx vilified as playing the romantic laudator temporis acti against the French Revolution.

1Debord, G. (2002) Society of the Spectacle. Trans. Ken Knabb. London: Rebel Press; #108.

2Ibid.

3Ibid., #127.

4Silcock, B. (1975) “Another green revolution?” The Montreal Gazette, Sep. 29.

5Ibid.

6Ibid.

7Call, L. (2002) Postmodern Anarchism. Maryland: Lexington Books; p.123.

©Elijah Nathaniel James.

#5

#5

The praxis of the transition to socialism has the apporpriate form of assuming the terrain of the historical, it does not abandon the praxis of ideas that recognize the historical subject of the proletariat. “{T}he crucial character of the transition to socialism is not that it is a change in the economic base but that it is a revolutionary change in the relation of base to superstructure.”¹

Charles R. Smith, writing to us from 1974, explains the nature of this superstructure, that it is the “socialist ... {l}iterature and art ... which serves {the economic} base{.}”² State communism in China, from the time when Citizen Smith writes, had the bureaucratic agency, the New China News Agency, to mediate its spectacle's transmission. Where state communism is primarily concerned with propaganda versus censorship, Kapitalismo-sozjietie is concerned with the mediation of consumption. 'This is what you shouldn't consume,' says the spectacle of mediation in its red beret, whilst, 'this is what you shall consume,' says the spectacle of mediation in its blue necktie.

Citizen Smith tells us: “the People's Daily and Red Flag Magazine, the party's theoretical journal ... {led a} criticism campaign against the ancient sage Confucius,” proving that the censorship of art in the communist state of China had reached the same proportions as Plato's republic. The question of art toeing the party line was raised by Chu Lan, “believed to be the pseudonym of an important party official ... with particular emphasis on who should be portrayed as heroes.” What is feared by these iconoclasts? It is the “omnipotence of simulacra ... and the destructive, annihilating truth that they allow to appear – from this came their urge to destroy the images.”³ Chairman Mao replaces Confucius in the temple for the sole purpose of changing the canon.

Citizen Smith reports Chu Lan as saying that the literature and art of state communism, which form part of the superstructure of state communism, are not in harmony with the socialist economic base they serve. Could the same be said for Kapitalismo-sozjietie? What is its harmony? T.V. Tele-visual, talking virtually. Division and separation, universally. Universally: digitally.

1MacIntyre, cited in Blackledge, P. (2005) “Freedom, Desire and Revolution.” History of Political Thought, Vol. 26, No. 4; p.704.

2Smith, C. R. (1974) “Chinese Art Doesn't Toe The Party Line.” Ludington Daily News, Sep. 17.

3Baudrillard, J. (1994) Simulacra & Simulation. Trans. Sheila Faria Glaser. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press; p.4.

©Elijah Nathaniel James.