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Representation
recedes directly; the intermediary draws away from actuality. The
spectacle of mediation accumulates an immensity of production under
the condition of domination.
Socialism
coexists with the production of the commodity; {C}. Kapital {K},
abstractly, is the commodity.
Kapitalismo-sozjietie
is a “social formation in which the presence of commodity
production reflects the struggle within the bureaucracy and between
the bureaucracy and the proletariat.”1
Victor
Riesel writes from 1970 concerning wage labour, portraying the
immiseration of the Kansas City labourers union of unskilled workers.
Citizen Riesel uses the term proletarian explicitly, a term not
anachronistic to 1970. Citizen Riesel writes from a time when
strikes in The United States of America spanned across 22 states.
Rather than the mobilization of the sickle and the hammer, Citizen
Riesel's comrades lay down their arms. America's “endemic rebels,”
according to Citizen Riesel, redistribute the capital of their
expropriation by means of the strike.
George
Shultz and then-president Richard Nixon author the apology of
capital's representation. The proletarian, the immiseration, the
expropriation. Citizen Riesel assigns power to the radicalism of
rebellion with a juxtaposed view of an establishment that considers
the strike to be “militant.”2
In
a 1970's America, those who built the structures owned the houses
whilst those who did the talk wore the trousers, the labourers were
the lower classes remaining expropriated and immiserated in their
masses.
A
rise in wages means a rise in commodity exchange value which has lead
to a rise in the number of bureaucrats serving the bureaucracy that
upholds capitalist domination. If each and every one who considered
themselves a bureaucrat, thereby recognizing themselves as the
proletariat – Citizen Smith addresses ye, o people of the telephone
call centre, the mill worker, the night-shift shelf filler – and
walked out «en masse» on bank holiday Monday in the month of May
then each and every one of us would get their own way, put it to a
vote, let each and every one have their say.
That
is what Kapitalismo-sozjietie does.
The
collectivity, extending to all members of the commonality, share a
belief-system brought about by cohesion. Between individuals
consensus is established. “At the same time, their voluntary
consensus links up with a coercion imposed upon them 'from within' –
that is, by the collectivity greater than their sum.”3
Conscience collective describes the process of coercion by
consensus. “Or, to reformulate, conscience collective is
the norms, constraints, moral or religious sentiments, and all manner
of symbolic representation that express a society and legitimate both
its institutions and the actual behaviour of the people in it.”
°There
must be something wrong with society if I'm behaving badly° thinks
Citizen Smith.
The
freedom to make choices falls under the illusion of external forces
that nullify any determination of individual behaviour. Depressions
mark the oscillations of liberal culture, the very thing that
determines our behaviour, liberal culture. Material circumstances
delimit the determinations that give us real choices.4
“Consciousness
of the material origins of culture and its relation to material
progress, the history of the material struggle of classes is
disprivileged. This favours an appeal to 'man's history' in which
the unified subject 'man' has progressed. It is 'in our day' that
this progress is said to be challenged.”5
1Gillette,
C./Raiklin, E. (1988) “The Nature of Contemporary Soviet Commodity
Production.” International Journal of Social Economics,
Vol. 15, No. 516; p. 65.
2Riesel,
V. (1970) "Nation Disdains Much Authority." Rome
News-Tribune, Jun. 23.
3Shevtsova,
M. (1989) “The Sociology of the Theatre.” New Theatre
Quarterly, Vol. 5, No. 18; p.182.
4Wallis,
M. (1994) “Pageantry and the Popular Front: Ideological Production
in the 'Thirties'.” New Theatre Quarterly, Vol. 10, No. 38;
p.140.
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